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On Irangani Serasinghe’s 94th birthday, her longstanding friend, Sumitra Peries, pays a glowing tribute to the veteran actress.
Irangani Seransinghe’s reputation preceded her. Of course, Sumitra Peries was too young to grasp the true meaning of the word ‘radical’, but being a contemporary of Irangani, at university, Sumitra’s brother, who was a radical himself, would rant on and on about ‘those radical Meedeniya sisters’. “Irangani and Kamini Meedeniya were legendary even then,” said Sumitra.
During their university days, the Meedeniya sisters would go swimming in the S. Thomas’ College, Mount Lavinia pool and in Serasinghe’s own words in her biography, ‘rode bicycles when good Sinhala girls were not supposed to ride’. Serasinghe’s radical nature manifested at a young age, earning her the childhood nickname ‘Chandi’.
Born Irangani Roxanna Meedeniya on June 9, 1927 in Ruwanwella, she attended St. Bridget’s Convent, Bishop’s College, and later Girls High School, Kandy, to do her Higher School Certificate, where she played Professor Higgins in Bernarrd Shaw’s Pygmalion . As fate would have it, her husband, Winston Serasinghe, is said to have been in the audience.
Serasinghe first hit the stage in 1948 in Prof. Cuthbert Amarasinghe’s production of Arthur W. Pinero’s ‘The Second Mrs. Tanqueray’ . She played the lead role in Jean Anouilh’s Antigone. This performance left an indelible mark on Sumitra Peries. “It was at the King George Hall at the University. I must have been 13 or 14 at the time. I wouldn’t have known that much about the play, but I was highly impressed by her performance, which was critically acclaimed.” Sumitra recalled how she had been awestruck by a life-size portrait of the actress by Lester James Peries’s brother Ivan Peries, at the museum Petit Palais in Paris. “This was pre-Peries era and I didn’t know the Peries’ at the time, but for me Irangani was an idol. She was in a floral dress with a two-plait hair do. This made an impression on me.”
In Lionel Wendt’s maiden play Maxim Gorky’s ‘ The Lower Depths’ directed by Austrian director Neumann Jubal, Serasinghe played Nastya. “Neumann Jubal was responsible for training university students in theatre,” says Sumitra. Among her other plays are Black Chiffon , Othello, Ernest MacIntyre’s The Caucasain Chalk Circle and Macbeth . She played mainly English roles at first, but ventured into Sinhala Theatre in Henry Jayasena’s Apata Puthe Magak Nethe . She went on to play roles in Dhamma Jagoda’s productions including V es Muhunu, the Sinhala adaptation of ‘ A streetcar named Desire ’ by Tennessee Williams.
Irangani entered the University of Ceylon in 1947 and immersed herself in theatre under the guidance of Prof. E. F. C. Ludowyk. After graduating with an Arts degree she travelled to London with her first husband. At Prof. Ludowyke’s suggestion she attended Bristol Old Vic Theatre School for one year and the London School of Speech Training and Dramatic Art for two years. Meeting of renowned actresses Flora Robson and Dame Sybil Thorndike was quite influential for Serasinghe.
Serasinghe is the first academically and professionally qualified Sri Lankan actress. “She was very conversant with acting method and could use her body, her voice and the background to complement the character she played.” But, according to Sumitra, unfortunately the limited range of roles restricted her. “But with every new role she attempted to introduce some nuance. She was an actress par excellence.”
In the 1940s, she was exposed to Marxism through Professor Ludowyke. But, according to her biography, ‘Irangani … as told to Kumar de Silva’, she abandoned it for it left little room for self discovery.
Irangani was cast by Lester James Peries in the documentary, ‘Be Safe or Be Sorry’. But the role of an old woman, Kathrina Hamy, in Rekava , marked her true cinematic debut, an exemplary performance delivered at the age of 29. “Irangani used to accuse Lester of turning her into an old woman at such a young age,” chuckles Sumitra. In many ways Rekava was a turning point for Serasinghe, who also met her second husband, actor Winston Serasinghe, on the set of Rekava.
Fondly called mother of television and cinema for over 65 years, Serasinghe portrayed exemplary roles of mothers in Delovak Athara, Ran Salu, Deveni Gamana, Doo Daruwo, Awaragira, Loku Duwa, Nedeyo, Sathpura Vasiyo, Village by the sea – Gamperaliya, Veeduru Mal, and Sihini .
“She was Lester’s first choice for Matara Hamine’s role in Gamperaliya , but she was pregnant at the time.” In Peries’ Delovak Athara , Serasinghe found herself in her element, delivering a no-holds-barred performance as Clara Wijesinghe, the mother of Nissanka Wijesinghe, played by Tony Ranasinghe. According to Sumitra, it was a wholesome role, befitting Irangani’s range and class she was born into. “Consequently, she was quite comfortable in her role. There was irony and comedy to a certain extent and the role enabled her to show off her acting prowess.” According to Sumitra, she is the antithesis of Clara. “Although her character was on the wrong side of the moral curtain, Irangani played the part with conviction.”
“She is one of the most humble people I know, despite her affluence, who had no qualms about eating packeted rice, mingling with the average person.” Sumitra notes that her kindness had a tendency to be abused. “On one occasion, while on location, she spent the night reading in the bathroom because she was so considerate that she didn’t want to disturb the rest of the cast and crew by turning the lights on.”
Being an actress, drama comes within the territory. In Peiris’ Sandeshaya , Serasinghe nearly drowned when she jumped into the river. “But then she is that kind of daredevil actor.”
“In God King, she played the role of a traitor who was burnt alive. She had to lie on a pyre while other actors doused it with kerosene, (in reality water), and set it alight. But she walked on to that pyre so stolidly, making it one of the most moving performances in cinema. In Irangani Serasinghe’s determination to make the scene work, her life came second.”
She won the Sarasaviya Award for the Best Actress for her role in Oba Dutu Da and for Pavana Ralu Viya in 1995. In 1985 she won the Presidential Award for Best Supporting Actress for Adara Kathawa and at the 28th Sarasaviya Awards she bagged the Best Supporting Actress award for her performance in Sudu Seveneli. She was awarded the title Kala Keerthi by the Sri Lankan Government, the Sri Lankan of the Year award (2017) – Entertainment Distinguished Achievement – Ada Derana and Best Actress Special Jury Award – State Radio Awards 2019. She is also a recipient of the Deepashika Award.
She is also an environmental activist and set up Ruk Rakaganno with sister Kamini Vitharana. Serasinghe would nostalgically long for the quietude offered by the Mudugomuwa Walauwe, the ancestral Meedeniya home, the idyllic tranquility that she confessed, always seem to escape her in the current urbanised setting.
Sumitra’s only regret is that she had not been able to do a comedy with Irangani. “She played light comedy so beautifully, her role of Aunt Catherine in Wekanda Walawwa is a case in point. She would have played a role like Giulietta Masina in Nights of Cabiria exceptionally well. Watching her act has been an enriching experience. She was a role model for everyone and I wish her a long and healthy life. May the blessings of the Triple Gem be with her!”
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The Communist Party of Sri Lanka has warned that ‘Israel and other foreign powers are planning to establish “spaceports” on Sri Lanka’s East Coast’ and claimed ‘the NPP government is getting involved in US space domain activities’ ( The Island , October 29, 2026).
Whether these warnings warrant serious consideration or not, certain immutable facts relating to Sri Lanka’s policy of a neutral state cannot be ignored. One such fact that has guided this government is its foreign policy of neutrality requires ‘that neutral space comprises the national territory of the neutral state, its territorial waters and its national air space’, and as such its territory including its territorial waters and air space is NOT NEGOTIABLE. This policy has been adhered to during the ongoing Middle East conflict, where the US sought permission to land two aircraft and the government declined permission on grounds of neutrality.
In such a context, for any officers, military or civil, to participate in discussions that compromise principles of neutrality amounts to a violation of government’s policy of neutrality reiterated by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath. Therefore, any discussions relating to prospective ‘spaceports’ is taboo.
PRINCIPLES and DUTIES of a NEUTRAL STATE
Based on an ICRC Publication on Neutrality, June 2022.
The introduction of this publication states: ‘The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977.’
‘The territory of a neutral state is inviolable. It is prohibited to commit any act of hostility whatsoever on such territory. Neutrality describes the formal position taken by a state which is not participating in an armed conflict or which does not want to become involved. This status entails specific rights and duties. On the one hand, the neutral State has the right to stand apart from and not be adversely affected by the conflict. On the other hand, it has a duty of non-participation and impartiality.
Neutral space comprises the national territory of the neutral state, its territorial waters and its national air space. Neutral persons are nationals of neutral states. They lose their neutral status if they commit hostile acts against a belligerent. Individuals may join the armed forces of a belligerent party, but then they also lose their neutral status. They still have all the guarantees of protection that a member of those forces would enjoy, and therefore are entitled to POW status if they are subsequently captured. If, however, they can be defined as mercenaries, whom we covered in an earlier lesson, they do not have the right to be considered as combatants or POWs.
As long as their home state maintains normal diplomatic relations with the belligerent state they are living in or visiting, neutral persons are to be treated in the same way as they would be in peacetime. They remain under diplomatic protection. If there are no such diplomatic relations, neutral persons are entitled to be treated as protected persons under the Fourth Geneva Convention. It makes no difference to their status if they are civilians or members of the armed forces of the neutral State to which they belong.’
3. THE DUTIES OF NEUTRAL STATES (Ibid)
‘Policy and instructions – the neutral State must also take measures to ensure and enforce the protection of its neutrality in the neutral space for which it is responsible in relation to the belligerent parties and, in particular, their armed forces. To obtain neutral status, the State does not have to make a formal declaration, nor do other States or parties formally have to recognise such status. A formal declaration will only have the effect of making neutral status better known.
The armed forces of the neutral state also require clear instructions on how they are to operate in relation to the defence of their territory and in dealing with incursions. For isolated and accidental violations of neutral space, the instructions might include the need to issue warnings or give a demonstration of force. For increasingly numerous and serious violations, a general warning might be called for and the use of force stepped up.
Particular obligations – the neutral State must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral state defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral state must treat the opposing belligerent states impartially.
This obligation does not mean that a state is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination.
It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral state is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality.
A neutral state must never assist a party to the armed conflict, in particular it must not supply warships, ammunition or other war materials directly or indirectly to a belligerent power, but otherwise its trade with the belligerent States remains unaffected.’
The material presented above embodies internationally recognised practices that should be adopted by a neutral state.
Stated above are the PRINCIPLES and DUTIES of a NEUTRAL STATE as recognised under International Law. Therefore, it is the duty of all states to recognise and respect the rights of States, such as Sri Lanka that have declared neutrality as its policy in its relations with other States.
If members of the current Sri Lankan government are engaged in discussions with foreign governments relating to issues that compromise its policy of neutrality, they should cease forthwith for reasons stated above. Furthermore, the government needs to formally make its members, particularly those in the military who engage with foreign government representatives to develop relationships and further their agendas, aware of the stakes involved.
Continue Reading Features America votes for change: What 2026 midterms mean for Trump and the world Published
by Colonel Nalin Herath (Retd), RSP
The 2026 United States midterm elections have delivered a significant political message. By taking control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate, the Democrats have changed the political balance in Washington and introduced a new dimension to President Donald Trump’s second term. This is more than an electoral setback for the Republican Party. It is a reminder that even a president with considerable political influence is ultimately answerable to the electorate. The results reflect growing public dissatisfaction with the direction of the country. Economic pressures, the cost of living, concerns over government accountability and the consequences of the conflict with Iran featured prominently in the political debate. Voters who supported Trump’s return to the White House in 2024 have now demonstrated that electoral support is neither permanent nor unconditional.
Midterm elections are traditionally viewed as a referendum on the sitting president. This election has reinforced that political reality. Pres Trump made himself central to the Republican campaign, effectively inviting voters to assess his leadership. The outcome suggests that a substantial section of the electorate wanted a different direction. The Democratic victory, however, should not be interpreted as an unconditional endorsement of every Democratic policy. It is equally a reflection of dissatisfaction with the incumbent administration. American voters have expressed their preference through the constitutional process, and the political establishment must respond accordingly.
A new balance of power in Washington
The Democratic takeover of both chambers of Congress will fundamentally change the legislative environment. The House can exercise greater oversight through investigations, hearings and control of legislative proceedings. The Senate can influence legislation, scrutinise presidential appointments and determine the progress of important national initiatives. Trump remains President, with his constitutional executive powers intact. However, the next two years are likely to require considerably more negotiation and political compromise. The possibility of legislative deadlock is also real. A divided government can strengthen institutional checks and balances, but it can also delay decisions on taxation, immigration, public spending and national security. The challenge will be to ensure that political competition does not become an obstacle to effective governance.
The consequences extend well beyond American domestic politics. The United States remains a central actor in international security, global trade, technology, finance and diplomatic affairs. Political changes in Washington therefore have consequences for countries far beyond its borders.
First, America’s relationships with traditional allies will remain under scrutiny. European countries and NATO members will be watching whether Washington maintains consistency in its security commitments and international partnerships. Second, strategic competition with China will continue to shape American foreign policy. Although there is considerable bipartisan support for maintaining America’s strategic position in the Indo-Pacific, differences may emerge over trade, military spending, technology restrictions and diplomatic engagement. Third, the Middle East will remain a major foreign policy challenge. The political consequences of the conflict with Iran, including its economic and security implications, will place additional pressure on the administration to explain its strategic objectives and the costs of its international engagements. For countries in the Indian Ocean, these developments deserve particular attention. America’s engagement with regional maritime security, freedom of navigation, strategic partnerships and regional connectivity will remain important considerations.
What does this mean for American democracy?
Perhaps the most important dimension of this election is institutional. American democracy is built around the separation of powers, electoral accountability and the ability of different political institutions to constrain one another. The midterm results demonstrate that congressional control can change even when the presidency remains in the hands of the opposing party. However, electoral accountability alone cannot resolve the deeper divisions within American society. Political polarisation, economic inequality, immigration debates, public confidence in institutions and the influence of technology on political discourse remain significant challenges. The question is whether political leaders can move beyond electoral confrontation and rebuild a degree of public trust.
The midterm outcome will inevitably accelerate political preparations for the 2028 presidential election. Both parties will begin reassessing their leadership, political strategies and electoral coalitions. For Trump, the remaining two years of his presidency will involve governing with a Congress controlled by the opposition. For Democrats, the responsibility will be to demonstrate that electoral success can translate into effective governance. Neither party can afford to treat the outcome as a permanent political settlement. American politics remains dynamic, and the next presidential election will be shaped by developments that have yet to unfold.
The 2026 midterms offer a wider lesson for democracies everywhere. Political authority is not simply secured through electoral victories; it must be sustained through public confidence, institutional credibility and the ability to respond to people’s concerns. For the international community, the central question is not whether America will remain powerful. Its economic, military, technological and diplomatic resources will continue to make it a major global power. The more important question is how consistently it will exercise that power.
A country that remains politically divided at home may find it increasingly difficult to provide predictable leadership abroad. Equally, a functioning system of checks and balances can strengthen institutional accountability and reinforce democratic legitimacy. The American electorate has delivered its message. The responsibility now rests with both political parties to demonstrate that democracy is not merely about winning elections, but about governing in the interests of the nation. Ultimately, America’s future will be determined not only by who occupies the White House, but also by how effectively its institutions work together.
(The writer is the Secretary General of the Ceylon Chamber of Shipping, former Director General of the Institute of National Security Studies (INSS), and former Spokesman of the Ministry of Defence. He is also a Non-Resident Fellow at the London Dialogue. His areas of expertise include international relations, geopolitics, maritime affairs, national security, economic policy, and strategic governance. He is a consultant at JITT Group and a member of World Pace Board).
Continue Reading Features The Prisoner of Zenda , where suspense grips reader Published
I have thus far in this series dealt with mystery stories. These inevitably involve suspense, though the converse does not hold true, and there are lots of stories full of suspense in which there is no mystery. Having for half a year now looked at mysteries, I thought of moving to the other sort, where there may be no mystery but where the suspense grips one.
by Anthony Hope in 1894 heralded a cult of what has been termed Ruritanian novels, set in what would in those days have seemed in England tempestuous remote regions of Europe. It was predominantly the Balkans that fitted this characterisation, an area in which, after the Turks retreated, Austria and Russia fought for influence, the former backed by a newly united Germany under Prussia, the latter moving into alliance with France and through that England.
The plot of The Prisoner of Zenda is compelling, and led to it being filmed several times over. The first time was in 1937, with then heart throb Ronald Colman as the hero Rudolf Rassendyl and Douglas Fairbanks also a heart throb as the dynamic villain Rupert of Hentzau.
Fifteen years later, Stewart Granger became the hero and James Mason Rupert. Deborah Kerr was the heroine, the role taken by Madeleine Carroll previously. And both films had wonderful actors in support, Raymond Massey and David Niven in 1937 and in 1957 Louis Calhern, who had played Julius Caesar in the celebrated film that starred James Mason and John Gielgud and Marlon Brando.
Hope was barely known by my contemporaries at Oxford, for he had passed out of fashion in the brave new world that emerged, not after the Second World War, but a decade later when a British Prime Minister could claim, in all seriousness, that his people had never had it so good. But I was lucky to find that the father of one of my friends, who was a philosophy don at Christ Church, was an aficionado of Hope, and we much enjoyed talking about him, and about much else, which I suspect the rest of his family thought very old fashioned.
But even from him I could not get a copy of the book, and now I cannot remember where, twenty years later, I finally found it. But where I first read it came back to me vividly as I read it for a second time, hugely enjoying it again. This was in the little room in the guesthouse at Sabaragamuwa University which had been left at my disposal. My driver Kithsiri had the staff room at the back, while I could house visitors in the other two rooms down below. This did not happen too often, after the first early years of showing off the place to friends.
The window of my bedroom looked out on the staff canteen, and year after year whoever ran it would bring me a cup of coffee at 6 o’clock, which I drank whilst lying in bed. Indeed, I spent most of my time in the house in that large double bed for, though I sometimes marked papers at the dining table upstairs, it was just as easy to do this in bed. And when I did not have such work, I would read there till long after the canteen lights went out.
It was there that, in a night or two, I finished The Prisoner of Zenda . For its plot was compelling, involving the dramatic adventures of the young Englishman Rudolf Rassendyl, who tells the story, having gone to Ruritania because of a family legend about a close connection between his family and the Ruritanian royal family. This was that a former king had, while in England before taking up his throne, had an affair with a Rassendyl lady.
The kingdom of Ruritania, the setting of The Prisoner of Zenda , is clearly in the Balkans, which had become a centre of intrigue in the struggles of European nations for dominance by 1894, when the novel appeared. Later Ruritanian novels, as tales of intrigue set in that region which followed were called, sometimes involved struggles for international influence there but Hope himself dwelt only on internal intrigues, the machinations of royalty and their hangers on for power and also for romance.
Royalty in Ruritania however also involved the English, for as a result of the affair of earlier years the heir to the Rassendyll Earldom was in fact an Elphberg, the family name of the royal family of Ruritania. But the characteristic red hair of the Elphbergs appeared only sporadically. Rudolph had it, which is what motivated him to explore travel to Ruritania, but once there he found that he was the spitting image of its new king, who was shortly to be crowned.
But the future King Rudolph’s half-brother Black Michael has other ideas, and drugs the king so that he cannot get to the coronation. And when his loyal companions discover this, they persuade Rassendyl, who has been drinking with the king the previous night, to take his place. That impersonation works well, and Rudolf receives the adulation of the citizens, but then what had been intended as a masquerade for a night has to be protracted, for the king is kidnapped by his brother and kept a prisoner in the Castle of Zenda.
The good guys then have to try to rescue the king while keeping the impersonation secret, most vitally from the king’s cousin Princess Flavia, who was meant to marry the king but has been averse to him though now she falls in love with Rassendyl and he with her.
The situation is compounded by a French lady. Antoinette de Mauban, who is in love with Black Michael, but warns Rassendyl about his stratagems, in part because she is comparatively decent, in part because Michael plans, if he eliminates both Rudolphs, to marry Flavia himself. And then to complicate matters further, one of Black Michael’s henchmen, Rudolph of Hentzau, is not so loyal as not to try to seduce Antoinette himself. He tries to involve Rassendyl in a plot to eliminate Michael, so they can share the spoils as he sees them, but of course Rassendyl turns him down. But then Rupert gets carried away, not perhaps by lust so much as by his love of devilry, and in the ensuing melee, Rassendyl having been able to bribe his way into the castle, the king is rescued.
Unlike the other henchmen, Rupert survives to take centre stage along with Rassendyl in the sequel. But otherwise all ends well, with everyone having a piece of the action, including the ill-treated king. Or rather, the king having recovered, there is also sadness for Rassendyl and Flavia, for they have to part so she can do her duty for the king and country.
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