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by Professor M. W. Amarasiri de Silva
Sri Lanka is living through one of the most complex periods in its postindependence history. It has endured political upheaval, economic collapse, social fragmentation, environmental stress, and the lingering emotional debris of a three decade civil war. These crises have not occurred in isolation; they overlap, reinforce, and reshape one another. Yet, in the midst of this turbulence, the national conversation remains dominated by economists, technocrats, political strategists, and legal experts. Their contributions are essential, but they are not sufficient.
The country’s most urgent problems are not merely technical; they are profoundly human. They involve identity, memory, belief, ritual, kinship, fear, aspiration, and the subtle ways people interpret the world around them. To understand these forces, Sri Lanka needs a discipline that listens before it prescribes, observes before it intervenes, and interprets before it judges. That discipline is anthropology.
To enhance local research capacity, a targeted doctoral scholarship initiative was established for academic staff members within the Department of Sociology at the University of Peradeniya and the University of Jaffna. This strategic programme was designed to equip selected faculty members with advanced methodological and theoretical frameworks. Scholars underwent rigorous training to pursue their PhDs within the specialisation of conflict and development, hosted by the School of Global Studies at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden. Beyond this, however, I am unaware of any scholarship programmes in Sri Lankan universities that support targeted research into specific social problems.
Partnership with Swedish institutions
The pedagogical partnership between these Sri Lankan and Swedish institutions has yielded substantial academic output. By immersing themselves in this collaborative research environment, the participating scholars have successfully produced comprehensive doctoral dissertations. The scholars in doing their PhDs have come out with dissertations on interesting themes on conflict and development, including Rural Development through Social Capital? An inquest on the linkages between social capital and development in war-torn villages in Sri Lanka , peace education, post-conflict social reconciliation, and community structures, displacement and resettlement processes in post-conflict/war-affected areas in Sri Lanka, Psycho-social Rehabilitation of War-Affected Children: A Study of Sri Lanka , conflict studies, gender, peace, and social transformation in Northern Sri Lanka, and Roles of Women During Armed Conflict . Most of them have published their theses in book form and written journal articles based on their field research. According to institutional reviews, these research contributions explore critical, niche themes surrounding post-conflict dynamics and structural development, significantly enriching regional sociological literature.
Around the world, anthropology has undergone a quiet but significant transformation. It is no longer confined to academic departments or ethnographic monographs. As highlighted in the recent volume Why the World Needs Anthropologists, the discipline has moved decisively into public life. Anthropologists today work in public health, environmental management, humanitarian response, conflict resolution, corporate strategy, and digital design. They help governments understand communities, help companies understand users, and help societies understand themselves. They are trained to navigate complexity, ambiguity, and contradiction—qualities that define the modern world. The book argues that anthropology must be “front and centre at the solving table,” and this argument resonates with force in Sri Lanka, where the absence of anthropological insight has repeatedly weakened policy, deepened misunderstanding, and prolonged conflict.
Sri Lanka’s social landscape is changing at a pace that often outstrips the ability of institutions to respond. Urbanisation is accelerating, with rural youth leaving traditional livelihoods for precarious urban employment or overseas migration. Digital technologies, from smartphones to artificial intelligence, are reshaping communication, political mobilisation, and social relationships. Religious revivalism is rising across communities, sometimes deepening faith, sometimes intensifying division. Gender norms are shifting, with women entering new professions and challenging longstanding expectations. The family itself is changing, with new patterns of marriage, migration, and household structure. These transformations are not uniform; they vary across regions, ethnic groups, classes, and generations. Understanding them requires more than surveys or statistical models. It requires ethnography, longterm engagement, and the ability to interpret meaning within context. It requires anthropology.
One of the most urgent areas where Sri Lanka needs anthropologists is reconciliation. More than a decade after the end of the civil war, the country continues to struggle with unresolved grievances, contested histories, and fragile interethnic trust. Reconciliation is not a matter of drafting reports or passing resolutions. It is a cultural process, rooted in how communities remember violence, how they narrate their suffering, how they mourn their dead, and how they imagine coexistence. Anthropologists have long studied memory, trauma, ritual, and identity.
They understand that healing cannot be imposed from above; it must emerge from within communities, through practices that resonate with local traditions and emotional landscapes. In Sri Lanka, reconciliation efforts have often been topdown, bureaucratic, and disconnected from lived realities. Anthropologists can help bridge this gap by documenting community narratives, facilitating dialogue, and designing culturally sensitive programmes that respect the complexity of grief and the diversity of healing.
Critical insight into political behaviour
Anthropology also offers critical insight into political behaviour. Sri Lanka’s political culture is shaped by patronage networks, kinship ties, caste dynamics, religious authority, and symbolic performances. These forces often matter more than policy platforms or ideological commitments. Yet they are rarely studied systematically in policymaking circles. Anthropologists can illuminate how political loyalty is formed, how trust is negotiated, how rumours spread, and how communities interpret state actions. In an era of misinformation, polarisation, and populism, such insights are invaluable. They can help design communication strategies that resonate with diverse communities, strengthen democratic participation, and reduce political manipulation. They can also help explain why certain reforms fail—not because they are poorly designed, but because they are culturally misaligned.
Economic behaviour, too, is deeply cultural. Sri Lanka’s economy is not merely a system of markets and numbers; it is embedded in social relationships. Decisions about farming, migration, entrepreneurship, and consumption are shaped by kinship obligations, religious beliefs, gender roles, and community expectations. A farmer’s willingness to adopt a new technology may depend not only on cost and efficiency but also on whether respected elders approve, whether neighbours have tried it, or whether it aligns with ritual practices.
Youth decisions about migration are influenced by family prestige, marriage prospects, and community narratives about success. Economists often overlook these cultural factors, leading to policies that fail in practice. Anthropologists can help design economic interventions that align with social realities, increasing their effectiveness and sustainability.
Environmental challenges present another domain where anthropology is indispensable. Sri Lanka faces rising sea levels, droughts, landslides, deforestation, and biodiversity loss. These crises are not only ecological; they are social. They affect how communities use land, manage water, practice agriculture, and relate to nature. Anthropologists study traditional ecological knowledge, community adaptation strategies, and cultural perceptions of the environment. They understand why certain conservation policies succeed while others fail. A forest conservation programme may falter if it ignores the ritual significance of certain trees or the livelihood needs of nearby villagers. A climate adaptation strategy may fail if it does not consider gender roles in water collection or farming. By integrating anthropology into environmental planning, Sri Lanka can create solutions that are both scientifically sound and socially grounded.
Public health is another area where anthropologists can make a transformative impact. Health behaviours are shaped by cultural beliefs, social stigma, religious practices, and community trust. My work on Chronic Kidney Disease is an example. During epidemics, people’s willingness to follow medical advice depends on whether they trust authorities, whether they understand the science, and whether the advice aligns with their cultural norms. Anthropologists have played crucial roles in global health crises—from Ebola to COVID19—by helping design communication strategies, understanding community fears, and improving patientprovider relationships. In Sri Lanka, where noncommunicable diseases, mental health issues, and substance abuse are rising, anthropologists can help develop culturally sensitive health interventions that address root causes rather than symptoms.
Education reform is another domain where anthropology can contribute significantly. Sri Lanka’s education system is burdened by rote learning, exam pressure, and outdated curricula. Yet education is not merely a technical process; it is a cultural one. It shapes identity, social mobility, and national belonging. Anthropologists can study how students learn, how teachers teach, how families support education, and how cultural expectations shape academic performance. They can help design curricula that reflect Sri Lanka’s diverse cultural heritage, promote critical thinking, and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.
Beyond these specific domains, anthropology offers something even more fundamental: a way of seeing. Anthropologists are trained to question assumptions, listen deeply, and interpret meaning. They understand that societies are complex, that people are contradictory, and that culture shapes everything from politics to economics to technology. In a world where quick fixes and simplistic narratives dominate public discourse, anthropology offers nuance, depth, and humility. It reminds us that solutions must be grounded in human experience, not imposed from above. Anthropologists emphasizes that anthropology is not only about understanding the world but also about changing it. Anthropologists today work in design firms, tech companies, humanitarian agencies, and government ministries. They help create userfriendly digital services, design communitybased disaster responses, improve organizational culture, and evaluate social programmes. Their skills—listening, observing, interpreting, contextualizing—are increasingly valued in complex and unpredictable environments. Sri Lanka, with its diverse communities and rapid transformations, is precisely such an environment.
One of the most compelling arguments is that anthropologists must share their knowledge beyond academia. They must engage with the public, collaborate with policymakers, and contribute to national debates. In Sri Lanka, anthropology remains largely confined to universities, with limited public visibility. This must change. Anthropologists should write for newspapers, participate in public forums, advise ministries, and work with NGOs. They should help shape national conversations about identity, development, reconciliation, and governance. Their insights can enrich public understanding and improve policy outcomes.
In the US, some universities teaching anthropology get their students to work with community organizations and help improve their development as part of their studies. The Community Studies Program teaches effective techniques and strategies for community organizing and social movement work, providing extensive real-world learning experiences to prepare students for careers spent making a difference on social justice issues. These programmes help students develop a strong understanding of the systems and power dynamics that contribute to society’s problems and what it takes to disrupt them. All students embark on six months of field study, a uniquely rewarding form of learning that allows them to make a difference for others while gaining valuable real-world experience.
Integrating applied anthropology and community studies into higher education bridges the gap between theoretical social analysis and direct public engagement. By stepping outside traditional academic environments, students engage with grassroots organizations, local initiatives, and advocacy groups, applying ethnographic methods to address tangible social issues such as health disparities, educational access, and socio-economic inequality. This experiential model transforms passive learning into active collaboration, empowering communities through collaborative research while training students to become responsive, ethically grounded researchers and advocates.
Furthermore, extended immersion—such as a six-month field study—serves as a crucial mechanism for personal, scholarly, and professional growth. Long-term field placement requires students to navigate complex institutional networks, understand local power dynamics, and build sustained, trust-based relationships within host communities. Beyond mastering qualitative methodologies like participant observation and qualitative interviewing, students cultivate critical skills in project management, cross-cultural communication, and strategic advocacy. This hands-on foundation equips graduates to challenge structural inequities effectively across careers in public policy, non-profit leadership, community organizing, and applied research.
Harnessing anthropology’s full potential
To harness anthropology’s full potential, Sri Lanka must take several steps. Universities should strengthen anthropology programs, offering both theoretical and applied training. Government ministries should create positions for anthropologists, especially in areas such as reconciliation, rural development, public health, education, and environment. NGOs and development agencies should integrate anthropologists into project design and evaluation. The media should feature anthropological perspectives on national issues, helping the public appreciate the discipline’s relevance. And anthropologists themselves must step forward, engaging actively with society and demonstrating the value of their work.
Sri Lanka’s future depends on understanding its people—deeply, respectfully, and holistically. The country’s diversity is both a strength and a challenge. Its communities have rich histories, complex identities, and unique cultural practices. These must be understood not as obstacles but as resources. Anthropology provides the tools to do this. It helps us see the world through others’ eyes, appreciate the complexity of human experience, and design solutions that resonate with people’s lives. In times of crisis, societies often turn to technical experts—economists, engineers, doctors, and lawyers. Their expertise is essential, but it is not sufficient. Crises are human experiences. They involve fear, hope, memory, identity, and meaning. Anthropologists understand these dimensions. They can help Sri Lanka navigate uncertainty, heal wounds, strengthen communities, and build a more inclusive and sustainable future.
The argument is simple but profound: Sri Lanka needs anthropologists not as observers but as partners. Not as critics but as collaborators. Not as distant academics but as engaged citizens. Anthropology is not a luxury; it is a necessity. It is the missing discipline in the country’s search for solutions. It is the lens through which Sri Lanka can better understand itself and chart a more humane path forward. In a world where complexity is the norm and uncertainty the constant, anthropology offers clarity, depth, and wisdom. It reminds us that development is not only about infrastructure but about people. That reconciliation is not only about policies but about emotions. That governance is not only about institutions but about trust. That progress is not only about technology but about culture. Sri Lanka, with its rich heritage and challenging present, needs this perspective more than ever. Anthropology teaches us that every society is a tapestry of stories, symbols, rituals, and relationships. Sri Lanka’s tapestry is vibrant, intricate, and sometimes frayed. To mend it, we must understand it. To strengthen it, we must appreciate it. To move forward, we must listen to the voices that have long been ignored. Anthropologists can help us do this. They can help us see what is hidden, hear what is unspoken, and understand what is misunderstood. As Sri Lanka seeks to rebuild its economy, heal its divisions, and navigate global change, anthropology offers a compass. It points toward empathy, understanding, and cultural sensitivity. It reminds us that solutions must be humancentered, grounded in lived experience, and respectful of diversity. It challenges us to think deeply, act ethically, and engage meaningfully.
The world needs anthropologists, and Sri Lanka needs them even more. The country’s future depends not only on technical expertise but on human insight. Anthropology provides that insight. It is time to bring anthropologists to the center of national conversations, to the heart of policymaking, and to the forefront of problemsolving. Sri Lanka’s challenges are complex, but its potential is immense. With anthropology as a guide, the country can move toward a future that is not only prosperous but also humane, inclusive, and culturally grounded.
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In what could probably be a happy spin-off from the US mid-term elections Ukraine is to receive a $ 2.1 billion fresh arms package from the US. Included in the bundle are some 500 Patriot PAC-3 interceptor missiles, which for Ukraine would prove most handy in its ongoing war of resistance against Russia.
The decision on the package indicates an end to the US’ recent reluctance to continue to arm Ukraine and demonstrates fresh US resolve to stand by the latter. The package will be some years in the coming but the message to Russia meanwhile is that the war of attrition would continue indefinitely. That is, it is a no-win situation for both sides.
However, from the viewpoint of international peace-making, only a more divided and polarized world comes into focus. Recent developments on the world stage point to a deepening of the East-West cleavage and indicate that the resultant antagonisms would prove impervious to expeditious resolution. That is, the world would be shaping up as an increasingly ‘dangerous place’ to live in.
The recent G20 foreign ministers’ summit in Atlanta proved an eye-opener of the first magnitude. Whereas the US expected to have a happy ‘family photo’ at the beginning of the deliberations, this was not to be. For instance, the EU countries indicated that they would under no circumstances appear for the picture opportunity alongside Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov.
The EU bloc indicated, among other things that, ‘There is no normality with Russia’ in view of the latter’s invasion of Ukraine. An Australian Foreign Ministry spokesman was emphatic: ‘We will not normalize Russia’s brutal and illegal invasion of Ukraine.’
Economic interdependence in particular would compel the G20 to continue to interact among themselves in a non-disruptive fashion in the short to medium terms but long term, intra-group peaceful coexistence is likely to prove a remote prospect in view of the challenges continuing to be posed by the Ukrainian question. The sides are no closer to arriving at a consensus on this host of issues as they were four years ago. In fact Russia is quoted in sections of the world media as stating that ‘World War Three’ is as good as having been launched.
Such rhetoric could be expected in times of heightened international tension but there could arrive a juncture at which such threats degenerate into real time armed hostilities. Russian impatience with the West could be expected to grow in proportion to which the latter continues to staunchly back Ukraine and provides it with the required military hardware to continue fighting.
Given its strong commitment to furthering the Ukrainian cause, there is no immediate possibility of West-dominated formations such as the EU backing down from this policy commitment.
The immediate challenge for the reconciliation-inclined sections of the world community would be to ensure that the main international parties to the Ukraine conflict refrain from allowing their differences from flaring into open military confrontations. In the latter event, nothing could prevent Russia, for instance, from militarily attacking those countries in the Western fold which have committed themselves to the defence of Ukraine. Needless to say, such a turn of events could lead to unpredictable, grave security consequences for the world.
A possible foretaste of things that could materialize for the world amid these grave security dilemmas was conveyed to the international community a few months back when Russia reportedly attacked a train carrying Western leaders on the Polish-Ukraine border.
This was a signal of sorts that Russian restraint and patience could have serious limits. Next time around, there could occur grave military confrontations between the West, read NATO powers in particular, and Russia. These could prove stepping stones to a Europe-wide conflict which in turn could degenerate into an all out East-West military confrontation. That is, a conflict with serious ramifications for world peace and security.
Interestingly, it is international formations such as the G20 which have the most potential to bring Russia and the West to a less confrontational path and platform and possibly a peace parley of some sorts. This is mainly on account of the fact that the G20 has within its fold the foremost economic and political powers from both East and West. The time is ‘now’ for international alliances, such as the G20, to ‘stand up and be counted’.
In fact even from the viewpoint of overall Southern development, the G20 could prove its worth quite substantially. It would not have escaped the notice of Southern watchers in particular that the G20 has taken upon itself the task, among other things, of ‘addressing debt restructuring, trade integration and infrastructure development of low income countries of Africa’, for instance.
Thus the G20 has undertaken the crucial responsibility of ushering Southern development, without which it would be quite short-sighted to deliberate on international peace and security. In other words, the G20 could prove its worth in bringing Russia and the West together in the task of defusing East-West tensions growing out of Ukraine and other seeming ‘perennial worries’.
Yet the world cannot afford to work outside the UN framework. The latter remains the most unambiguous upholder of International Law and the world would do well to remain anchored to the UN system as it seeks to usher in a safer and more law-abiding world.
Thus, UN reform could no longer be postponed or allowed to languish in the ‘back burner’, so to speak, of international concerns. Besides, the UN would need to prove itself to be the primary platform for international peace deliberations. An efficient UN system, then, would be in the interests of the world. Besides, there is no ignoring the fact that the ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ remains the most seminal blueprint for international peace.
The US, however, remains rather indifferent to the above international concerns. At the time of writing, for example, it has launched fresh military strikes against Iranian targets in the Gulf region, whereas what is most required from the US is a major drive to end the current rounds of tension which are costing the world very dearly.
Cost of living protests are yet to manifest in the US on a large scale but the time would not be far off when popular economic grievances overtake the US as well.
President Donald Trump is in no mood currently for a policy of reconciliation towards the country’s perceived adversaries, but the ‘iron laws of economics’ would sooner rather than later make their presence felt. From this viewpoint, the post mid-term polls months could prove vital.
by Mahil Dole Senior Superintendent of Police (Retd.)
A police service may defend an officer or an action only when the facts support that defence. Once the facts no longer do so, continued defence becomes a further wrong. It shields error, signals to the ranks that accountability can be avoided, and erodes the single asset no force can create by regulation or by strength of numbers: the confidence of the public. Without that confidence, information dries up, cooperation declines, and every new incident is judged against the record of earlier failures. In a country that still faces residual security risks, organised crime and ordinary demands of public order, the loss is both a justice problem and a national-security problem. It can no longer be treated as a matter of public relations.
Court removes ranks conferred by favour
The clearest recent illustration arrived through the Supreme Court. Three officers who had held the rank of Senior Superintendent of Police for more than a decade, V.V.S. Gunathilaka, A.J.Y.B. Krishantha and P.M.B. Perera, have been returned to the rank of Chief Inspector. Their promotions in 2010 from Chief Inspector to Assistant Superintendent of Police, and the subsequent rises that followed, were ruled unlawful. The Court examined the Cabinet papers and found that the promotions rested on services rendered to the then President and Minister of Defence, Mahinda Rajapaksa, and his family, rather than on any administrative necessity for departing from the established procedures. The decision violated the right to equal protection of the law under Article 12(1). The Inspector General has given effect to the ruling. The officers must now relinquish the senior rank they exercised for years.
This is not a routine administrative adjustment. It is judicial confirmation that political favour was allowed to override the service’s own rules. For fifteen years these officers held senior command on the strength of promotions the Court has nullified. They occupied positions of substance: Director of the Police Grievances Division, Director of the Expressway Division, and Officer-in-Charge of the Bandarawela Division. One had earlier served as Officer-in-Charge at Beliatta. Officers who advanced through examinations, service and seniority now see that the rules could be set aside for those with access. The public sees that the hierarchy itself was distorted by political consideration.
What the demotion actually costs the service
The consequences are concrete. The three officers lose the salary scale, allowances, seniority and authority attached to the ranks they held. Their service records are altered. Pension calculations will rest on the restored Chief Inspector rank. More significant is the institutional effect. Officers who waited their turn have watched political access produce multi-rank advancement that required a decade and a half of litigation to reverse. Command decisions taken under ranks later declared unlawful carry less weight. The practical lesson many will draw is not that the system corrects itself, but that correction is slow and depends on persistent action by those who were disadvantaged.
How emergency habits became ordinary practice
The episode belongs to a longer pattern. The colonial police were organised chiefly for control. After independence the Public Security Ordinance of 1947 provided the framework for states of emergency and granted immunities for acts done in good faith. The 1971 insurrection and, more decisively, the violence of 1987–89 converted police stations in the south and centre into places of detention, interrogation and disappearance. Officers trained for ordinary crime investigation were placed under the operational logic of counter-insurgency. Methods developed against armed groups were later applied, with little adjustment, to ordinary suspects.
The Prevention of Terrorism Act of 1979 reinforced the same approach. Prolonged detention and the admissibility of confessions recorded by the police created clear incentives: a confession or a claimed recovery of weapons could close a case rapidly, while the prospect of later accountability remained low. During the civil war these practices became normal for large parts of the security apparatus. After 2009 the same patterns, custodial assault, deaths explained as attempts to escape or to recover hidden items, incomplete records, and the transfer of officers rather than their prosecution, moved into the handling of ordinary crime and drug cases. Political interference, visible from the late 1970s, deepened the problem. Promotions and postings increasingly rewarded those who produced results or showed loyalty. Transfer became the usual response to misconduct. An officer moved from one station carried the same methods to the next.
Pattern that survived the end of the war
The outcome is a culture of impunity that survived the end of the emergencies that produced it. Cases spanning decades, the death of Wijedasa Liyanarachchi, the torture and subsequent killing of Gerald Perera, the Angulana murders, and repeated Supreme Court findings of fundamental-rights violations, show the same features. Compensation was sometimes awarded; removal from the service or criminal conviction was not the ordinary result. Records compiled by the Asian Human Rights Commission of hundreds of torture cases in ordinary criminal investigations demonstrated that most victims were not terrorism suspects. Oversight bodies existed on paper but lacked the consistent authority or political support required to change the pattern.
Recent cases that follow the established course
Recent incidents follow the established course because that course was never rewritten. In Homagama, 29-year-old Ishara Harsha Kumara died after arrest in connection with a small quantity of crystal meth. Family members alleged assault. Medical findings indicated broken ribs and possible brain injury. Senior officers acknowledged procedural failures. The Crimes Division Officer-in-Charge was arrested; earlier complaints against him had been reported. The Headquarters Inspector was suspended for supervisory shortcomings. Investigations continue. In Kadawatha, police fired on a three-wheeler that officers said failed to stop, injuring a 16-year-old passenger. The official account stressed non-compliance; the mother contested aspects of it. A later social-media message urging obedience attracted further criticism. These cases stand against Human Rights Commission figures of dozens of deaths in cells and encounters between 2020 and early 2025, and against a National Police Commission backlog in which roughly 82 per cent of complaints received between 2016 and the end of 2024 remained unresolved.
Why political favour weakens everyday discipline
The link to the demotion is direct. When rank itself can be conferred for political service, the incentive to treat other rules, custody protocols, use-of-force thresholds, documentation standards, as flexible increases. When the service has accepted one form of departure from rules at senior levels, the reflex to defend incomplete investigations or after-the-fact explanations lower down becomes easier to maintain. Officers who observed political favour produce rapid advancement adjusted their own calculations. Those adjustments have not been undone by a single court decision.
Price paid in confidence and security
The costs are plain. Public complaints have increased. Cooperation has declined. Intelligence has become harder to obtain. In a media environment every poorly documented use of force is recorded and contested within hours. The service’s credibility suffers not only from the actions of a minority but from the perception that the institution will first protect its own. Most officers carry out difficult and often dangerous work under resource constraints. They are undermined when excesses are shielded and when the promotion system is shown to have been open to negotiation. Effective policing and intelligence work depend on public confidence that cannot be compelled. When that confidence falls, national security is affected.
What the authorities must now require
The authorities must treat the present situation as a point of decision rather than another episode to be managed by transfer or statement. The Supreme Court has shown that irregular promotions can be reversed. The same standard must apply elsewhere. Every custodial death and every discharge of a firearm requires investigation by a unit outside local command, with full access for the Human Rights Commission and prompt magisterial oversight. Where credible evidence exists, arrest or suspension must follow without waiting for public pressure. Existing custody protocols must be enforced, and commanders held to account when they are not.
The National Police Commission requires the resources and authority to clear its backlog and to dispose of new complaints within defined periods. Transfers must cease to be the default answer to serious allegations. Criminal allegations of assault or unlawful killing must be investigated as crimes. An officer’s prior complaint history must be known and considered before posting to sensitive units. Promotion and posting criteria must reward integrity and the quality of investigation alongside detections. Training must treat de-escalation, custody standards and accurate recording as core professional requirements. Governments must make the talk walk.
Political authority must leave the police service alone with the National Police Commission and the Human Rights Commission to deal with discipline, if any government, whatever its colour, wishes to win and maintain the people’s confidence. At the same time, indiscipline cannot be tolerated, allowed or ignored without punishment. This is a division of responsibility, not an invitation to leniency. Promotion, posting, transfer and disciplinary action must rest with the professional machinery of the service and its independent oversight bodies. When political authority inserts itself into these processes, whether to reward loyalty, protect an ally or settle a score, the rules cease to operate as rules. The nullification of the 2010 promotions demonstrated the distortion. Officers who watched the process learned that access could outweigh the established scheme. Once that lesson is absorbed, the effect moves downward. If senior rank can be conferred outside the rules, the incentive to treat custody and use-of-force standards as equally adjustable grows stronger.
Leaving discipline to the Police Commission and the Human Rights Commission requires those bodies to act. Complaints of assault, unlawful detention or excessive force must be investigated promptly, outside local command, and followed by suspension, interdiction or criminal prosecution where the evidence warrants it. Transfer must cease to be the principal response. An officer’s prior record must be known before sensitive postings are made. Commanders who fail to enforce custody and use-of-force standards must face accountability themselves. The Commission’s long backlog cannot continue if the public is to regard oversight as real.
A service able to enforce the law equally is an asset to any administration that seeks to retain public support. A service seen as an instrument of political convenience is a liability to all of them. The authorities, the community and every stakeholder who depends on a credible police service now have the facts before them. Political favour distorted the hierarchy for years. Impunity outlasted the emergencies that produced it. Recent deaths and shootings follow a familiar pattern. Silence and delay have not resolved the problem; they have extended it.
The choice is no longer between defending the service and examining it. The choice is between correcting what the courts and the record have already shown to be wrong, or watching the remaining confidence of the public continue to decline. Only the first course remains available if the police service is to keep the legitimacy on which its effectiveness, and the country’s security, ultimately rest. The people’s confidence is not secured by statements. It is secured by consistent evidence that the rules apply to the police themselves, and that no political interest stands between an officer and the consequences of misconduct. That evidence is still incomplete. Until it is supplied, every new incident will be judged against the record of the last one, and the service will continue to pay the price in lost cooperation and reduced legitimacy.
( This analysis is offered in the interest of national security, institutional reform, and public safety)
The writer is a retired Senior Superintendent of Police, former head of the counter terrorism desk at the state intelligence service, a former member of the Sri Lanka Wakfs Board, and the author of “Security Beyond Enforcement: Practical Approaches for a Safer Nation” (2026). [email protected]
Elina Gunawardena, the 19-year-old wonder girl from Colombo, has become the FIRST-EVER Sri Lankan model to walk the Victoria’s Secret Fashion Show (VS)!
The big, iconic show happened on October 18th, 2026, at Sony Pictures Studios, Los Angeles — and she didn’t just walk once, she walked TWICE!
Look 1: A super cute pastel lime-green ruffled top and skirt — so fresh, so Elina!
Look 2: The showstopper — a crystal-embellished look with a flowing champagne-gold dupatta trailing behind her like ANGEL WINGS! She gave the VS runway a beautiful South Asian touch, and everyone, they say, was obsessed over that desi twist.
She shared the stage with the biggest names in the world — Gigi Hadid, Bella Hadid, Adriana Lima, Irina Shayk, Ashley Graham — with live performances by Tate McRae, Megan Thee Stallion and KATSEYE!
“I’m officially a VS Angel! Honestly never thought that this would ever happen… I am so so soooooo grateful to be the FIRST Sri Lankan model to walk for VS. Literally crying because this is just a dream come true!”
“To be the first Sri Lankan model for Victoria’s Secret feels unreal!”
Yes, Elina took our little island to the biggest lingerie stage in the WORLD!
I guess readers would want to know how Elina G got to Victoria’s Secret?
She didn’t get it because she was lucky, nor did she fill a form and apply! She got it because she was READY when luck knocked! And this is how she got the Golden Ticket:
She was discovered at just 14 years old in Sri Lanka! She joined Panthera Management because her older sisters were there! From there — Mercedes-Benz Fashion Week, Sri Lanka 2022, then Colombo Fashion Week 2024 and 2025!
In February 2025, she went for an interview with the legendary Ford Models in Paris — and, yes, they signed her THE NEXT DAY!
At her very first Paris Fashion Week she walked nine shows — Chanel, Hermès, Rabanne, Dries Van Noten, Moncler — and she OPENED the Isabel Marant show! Opening is like being the queen of the show!
Now she is represented by the top three agencies in the world — Ford Models (Paris), Storm Management (London), and The Lions (New York)! These big agencies submit their girls to VS casting directors! So her agencies put her name forward!
Before VS, she already did 50+ runways — Fendi, Givenchy, Max Mara, Alexander McQueen, Dolce & Gabbana! She was on the cover of Vogue Netherlands in May 2026! And in September 2026 — she OPENED the Ralph Lauren Spring/Summer 2027 show in New York! Opening Ralph Lauren is MASSIVE! That made the VS casting team say — WHO IS THIS GIRL?!
VS does secret castings in New York and LA weeks before the show. All the top girls walk for the casting directors, the stylists, Emmanuelle Alt and team. They look at walk, confidence, social media power, personality! Our Elina’s walk, her international look, her fresh South Asian beauty, and that amazing resume — she won their hearts!
And when Victoria’s Secret called — she was not a new girl. She was a professional.
So, if you have a dream — whether it is fashion, or singing, or business, or studies — remember Elina.
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